r^'  C 


JOINT  RESOLUTION  INVITING  THE  REPUBLIC 

OF  CUBA  TO  BECOME  A  STATE  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  UNION. 


REMARKS 


OF 


HON.  FRANCIS  G.  NEWLANDS, 

OF    NEVADA, 


IN  TiiR 


SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


November  23  and  25,  1903. 


WASHING  TOM. 

1903. 


R  E  M  ARKS 

OF 

EOl^.  EEANCIS   G.  NEWLANDS. 


REPUBLIC  OF  CUBA. 


Mr.  HALE.  Mr.  President,  I  move  to  reconsider  the  vote  of 
the  Senate  by  which  the  joint  resohition  (S.  R.  15)  inviting  Cuba 
to  become  a  State  of  the  American  Union  was  ref  en-ed  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rehitions  with  Cuba. 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  The  Senator  from  Maine 
moves  that  the  vote  by  which  the  joint  resolution  to  which  he 
calls  the  attention  of  the  Senate  was  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Relations  with  Cuba  be  reconsidered. 

Mr.  HALE.     I  ask  that  the  joint  resolution  maybe  read. 

The  Secretary  read  the  joint  resolution  introduced  by  Mr.  New- 
lands  on  the  20th  instant,  as  follows: 

A  joint  resolution  (S.  R.  15)  inviting  Cuba  to  become  a  State  of  the  American 

Union. 

"Whereas  the  Republic  of  Cuba  is  desirous  of  securing  commercial  union 
with  the  United  States;  and 

Whereas  the  best  commercial  union  can  be  secured  by  and  throiiarh  polit- 
ical union  by  means  of  the  admission  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  as  a  sovereign 
State  in  the  Union:  Now,  therefore,  be  it 

Benolved,  etc.,  That  the  Republic  of  Cuba  be,  and  is  hereby,  invited  to  be- 
come a  State  of  the  United  States,  upon  terms  of  equality  with  all  other 
States  of  the  Union,  and,  leading  in  that  direction,  the  following  suggestions 
are  made: 

First.  That  the  island  of  Porto  I^jco  become  a  county  or  province  of  Cuba 
and  a  part  of  the  State  of  Cuba. 

Second.  That  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  be 
the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  respectively,  of  the  State  of  Cuba  initil 
then-  terms  of  office  expii-e,  and  that  all  other  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  officers  now  holding  office  in  the  Republic  of  Cuba  continue  to  hold 
similar  positions  in  the  State  of  Cuba  until  their  present  terms  expire,  with 
the  exception  of  the  customs  and  postal  officials,  who  shall  be  incorporated 
into  the  customs  and  postal  service  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Rural  Guard, 
the  officers  and  subordinates  of  which  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  Army 
of  the  United  States. 

Third.  That  the  bonds  about  to  be  isstied  by  the  Republic  of  Ctiba  for  the 
payment  of  its  army  during  the  war  with  Spain,  aggregating  $35,000,000,  with 
interest  at  5  per  cent,  be  issued  as  the  bonds  of  the  State  of  CulDa,  and  that 
the  interest  agi-eed  to  be  paid  thereon  be  reduced  from  5  to  3  per  cent,  the 
difference  to  be  applied  to  the  sinking  fund,  and  that  as  so  changed  their  pay- 
ment be  guaranteed  by  the  United  States. 

Fourth.  That  the  balance  in  the  treasury  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  be  turned 
over  to  the  State  of  Cuba,  and  the  brJance  in  the  treasury  of  Porto  Rico  be 
turned  over  to  the  county  or  provincial  authorities  of  that  island. 

That  the  foregoing  resolutions  are  inspired  not  by  a  desire  to  annex  forci- 
bly or  to  assert  sovereignty  over  the  island  of  Cuba,  or  to  exercise  any  form 
of  compulsion,  but  solely  by  a  regard  for  the  mutual  interests  of  the  two 
countries  and  a  conviction  that  the  interests  of  the  States  composing  the 
Federal  Union  and  Cuba  are  identical,  and  that  they  can  be  best  secured  by 
a  union  under  one  form  of  government  in  which  all  shall  be  represented  on 
equal  terms  and  be  governed  by  equal  and  indiscriminating  laws,  insuring 
freedom  of  trade  and  equality  of  right  and  privilege. 

Mr.  HALE.  Mr.  President,  I  shall  take  only  a  little  time  of 
the  Senate,  but  I  desire  to  submit  a  few  observations  upon  this 
resolution. 

Mr.  Hale  then  spoke  in  opposition  to  the  resolution. 

5683  *  3 


Mr.  NEWLANDS.  Mr.  President.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  the 
distinguished  Senator  from  Maine  [JNIr.  Hale]  on  this  subject. 
The  purpose  of  the  introduction  of  this  joint  resolution  was  toin- 
^^te  debate,  consideration ,  and  deliberation,  and  I  feel  gratified  that 
the  resolution  has  met  with  so  early  a  response  in  this  direction. 

I  agree  with  the  Senator  from  Maine  in  much  that  he  has  said. 
I  commend  with  him  the  good  sense  and  the  good  judgment  of 
the  people  constituting  the  Government  of  Cuba,  but  I  contend 
that  the  good  sense  and  the  good  judgment  of  this  country  will 
be  demonstrated  by  presenting  this  invitation  and  that  the  good 
sense  and  good  judgment  of  Cuba  will  be  proved  by  accepting  it. 

Now,  what  is  the  joint  resolution  to  which  the  Senater  takes 
exception?  This  resolution  presents  no  suggestion  whatever  of 
force  or  compulsion.  It  recognizes  that  the  Republic  of  Cuba  is 
a  sovereign  nation  among  the  nations  of  the  world.  It  recognizes 
the  fact  that  that  Republic  itself  feels  that  it  can  not  stand  alone; 
that  it  has  accepted  already  the  protection  of  this  country;  that 
it  has  surrendered  to  the  more  powerful  sovereign  to  the  west 
control  over  a  portion  of  its  territory  as  naval  stations  and  mili- 
tary posts;  that  it  has  limited  its  power  to  contract,  so  far  as  debts 
are  concerned,  where  such  power  is  likely  to  be  exercised  in  such 
a  way  as  to  risk  the  independence  of  the  Republic.  It  recogTiizes 
our  control  over  the  sanitary  conditions  of  that  island  as  a  matter 
of  protection  to  our  own  country.  Cuba  stands,  as  is  often  said 
in  debate  in  both  Houses,  in  the  position  of  a  ward  to  a  guardian. 

I  will  not  say  anything  now  as  to  the  history  of  this  peculiar 
position  of  protection  on  one  side  and  of  dependence  on  the  other. 
I  will  assume,  without  argument,  that  it  was  wise — wise  upon 
the  part  of  the  United  States  to  offer  it  and  wise  upon  the  part  of 
Cuba  to  accept  it — and  yet  the  United  States  does,  by  the  volun- 
tai-y  act  of  both  the  United  States  and  Cuba,  stand  in  the  position 
of  guardian  to  Cuba. 

What,  then,  does  Cuba  ask  of  us?  She  asks  of  us  another  ex- 
ceptional relation.  She  admits  that  from  the  economic  point  of 
view  she  is  unable  to  stand  alone;  that  the  economic  conditions 
of  the  world  are  against  her;  that  though  she  is  to-day  the  cheap- 
est producer  of  sugar  in  the  world,  the  markets  of  the  world  are 
barred  against  her  by  protective  tariffs  in  some  countries  and  by 
the  bounty  system  in  others.  When  she  sought  to  restore  the  in- 
dustries that  had  been  destroyed  by  the  war,  she  found  that  the 
production  of  1,000.000  tons  of  sugar,  which  she  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  supply  to  the  world,  had  been  taken  up  by  Germany,  by 
France,  and  by  Austria  under  the  bounty  system,  and  by  Hawaii, 
Louisiana,  and  westei-n  beet  sugar  under  the  protective  system, 
and  that  they  had  possession  of  her  markets  and  that  the  sugar 
which  she  sought  to  produce  and  sell  was  a  drug  upon  the  market, 
sagging  that  market  down  and  lowering  the  international  price 
of  sugar;  and  she  looked  to  America,  surrounded  by  a  tariff  wall, 
producing  with  the  aid  of  Hawaii,  Louisiana,  and  the  fertile 
farms  of  the  West  only  about  one-third  of  her  consumption,  call- 
ing upon  the  world  at  large  for  1,600,000  tons  of  sugar  annually, 
and  imposing  upon  that  product  a  customs  duty  of  $35  a  ton, 
nearly  the  international  price  that  sugar  was  then  bringing  in  the 
markets  of  the  world. 

She  looked  out  eagerly  for  this  market  to  which  she  had  been 
accustomed  before  her  prostration  came.  If  she  could  import 
her  sugar  duty  free  it  meant  that  she  would  receive  annually  for 

5682 


1.000,000  tons  of  sugar  $75,000,000  instead  of  $40,000,000.  It 
meant  that  this  advantage  would  increase  as  her  production  in 
creased  and  tliat  wealth  and  prosperity  would  come  to  her  beyond 
the  power  of  man  to  describe.  She  first  asked  free  trade,  then 
moderated  her  request  to  a  reduction  of  50  per  cent  in  the  duty, 
and  then  finally  acquiesced  in  a  reduction  of  30  per  cent.  What 
woiild  free  trade  have  meant  to  her?  One  million  tons  of  sugar, 
bringing  only  $10  a  ton  in  the  markets  of  the  world,  would  yield 
her  $75,000,000  in  our  market,  where  the  domestic  price  of  sugar 
is  of  course  the  international  price  plus  the  duty.  What  does  the 
reduction  she  finally  acquiesced  in  mean?  A  reduction  of  20  per 
cent— $7  a  ton,  §7,000,000  annually. 

Why  does  she  ask  this  preferential  arrangement?  She  asks  it 
because  she  is  the  ward  of  the  Republic;  she  asks  it  because  she 
is  dependent  upon  the  great  Republic ;  she  asks  it  because  of  the 
sympathy,  the  aid,  and  the  succor  that  the  great  Republic  gave 
her  in  her  war  for  freedom.  She  is  not  to  be  blamed  or  criticised 
for  asking  it.  It  is  entirely  natural  that  she  should  appeal  to  her 
best  friend  for  sympathetic  action. 

And  yet  it  is  doubtful  whether  relief  ought  to  be  granted  in 
this  particular  way,  involving  as  it  does  terms  of  preference,  the 
admission  of  the  products  of  a  foreign  country  within  our  tariff 
Vv'all  upon  terms  more  favored  than  those  accorded  to  other  coun- 
tries. Cuba  asks  us  to  tear  do-svn  our  fiscal  system ,  wh  ich ,  whether 
the  protective  wall  be  high  or  low,  should  be  controlled  by  two 
considerations— one,  free  trade  inside  the  Republic,  the  other  im- 
partial trade  outside  of  the  Republic;  the  one  securing  amity  and 
friendship  on  our  own  soil,  no  preferences,  no  discriminations  be- 
tween individuals  and  industries;  the  other  securing  amity  and 
friendship  with  the  nations  of  the  world. 

When  Cuba  asks  this  favor  have  we  not  the  right  to  negotiate 
with  her?  Is  it  not  entirely  proper  and  just  for  us  to  say,  "  We 
object  to  discriminations,  we  object  to  preferences,  we  object  to 
tying  up  our  tariff  by  contractual  arrangements  with  individual 
nations  of  the  world,  thus  losing  control  of  it  ourselves.  But  we 
realize  yoar  position,  we  realize  your  economic  distress,  we  know 
that  you  are  dependent  for  yoar  prosperity  upon  the  markets  of 
this  country.  We  are  your  friends.  You  ask  for  commercial 
union.  We  tender  you  political  union.  You  ask  for  a  less 
limited  trade.  We  offer  you  unrestricted  trade. "  Is  that  taking 
advantage  of  Cuba?  Is  it  not  the  generous  act  of  a  great  coun- 
try which  says  to  this  dependent  country,  "  We  relieve  you  of 
your  condition  of  dependence  and  hardship;  we  welcome  you  to 
become  one  of  us — a  sovereign  State  in  the  great  Union  of  States, 
bound  together  for  the  general  welfare  and  common  defense?  " 

Let  us  see  whether  this  proposition  does  any  injustice  to  Cuba, 
for  I  am  certain  that  I  offered  this  joint  resolution  with  no  spirit 
of  spoliation.  The  Senator  from  Maine  has  said  that  every  ad- 
venturer and  every  speculator  and  every  Spanish  don  is  behind 
the  effort.  If  that  be  so,  I  know  nothing  of  it.  I  have  conferred 
with  no  speciilators  or  adventurers  or  Spanish  dons.  This  reso- 
lution presents  my  individual  view  with  regard  to  a  matter  affect- 
ing the  principles  of  our  Government  and  the  wise  policy  which 
it  should  pursue  in  its  relations  with  Cuba,  and  is  inspired  by 
the  greatest  friendliness  to  Cuba. 

In  the  first  ]ilace  the  joint  resolution  is  entitled,  '■  Joint  resolu- 
tion inviting  Cuba  to  become  a  State  of  the  American  Union." 

5683 


6 

That  does  not  smack  of  compulsion.  An  invitation  is  not  force. 
Tlieu  come  the  recitals  and  the  first  part  of  the  resolution,  as 
follows: 

Whereas  the  Repxiblic  of  Cuba  is  desu'ous  of  secxiring  commercial  union 
with  the  United  States;  and 

Whereas  the  best  commercial  union  can  be  secured  by  and  through  polit- 
ical iinion  by  means  of  the  admission  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  as  a  sovereign 
State  in  the  Union:  Now,  tlierefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  etc..  That  the  Republic  of  Cuba  be,  and  is  hereby,  invited  to  be- 
come a  State  of  the  United  States,  upon  terms  of  equality  with' all  other  States 
of  the  Union,  and,  leading  in  that  direction,  the  following  suggestions  are 
made: 

First.  That  the  island  of  Porto  Rico  become  a  county  or  province  of  Cuba 
and  a  part  of  the  State  of  Cuba. 

Why  this  inclusion  of  Porto  Rico?  Simply  for  this  reason:  That 
as  the  result  of  or  contemporaneously  with  the  Spanish  Avar  we  came 
into  numerous  new  possessions — Hawaii,  the  Philippine  Islands, 
Cuba,  and  Porto  Rico,  all  of  them  now  occupying  varying  relations 
of  dependence  to  this  country.  We  had  asserted  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  the  equality  of  man,  the  inseparableness  of  taxa- 
tion and  representation,  the  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
but  at  that  juncture  we  were  met  by  the  question  as  to  whether 
we  could  safely  apply  these  doctrines  to  all  these  cotintries  which 
bear  to  us  to-day  varying  relations  of  dependence.  We  did  apply 
them  to  Cuba  by  withdrawing  our  forces  and  surrendering  the 
government  to  her  own  people.  We  did  apply  them  to  Hawaii 
by  organizing  a  Territorial  government,  with  a  Delegate  in  Con- 
gress— the  traditional  mode  of  organizing  an  infant  State — but 
we  declined  to  apply  them  to  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines. 
The  Philippine  Islands  became  colonial  possessions  and  Porto 
Rico  became  not  a  Territory  or  an  infant  State,  bitt  became  a  de- 
pendency without  representation  in  our  Government  and  subject 
to  its  absolute  will.  Porto  Rico,  which  lies  to  the  east  of  Cuba 
and  has  like  commercial  conditions,  population,  and  climate,  is  a 
small  island,  only  100  miles  long  by  30  miles  wide — not  big  enough 
to  become  a  State. 

Obviously,  therefore,  the  only  way  of  asserting  the  old  doctrine 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  to  Porto  Rico  is  to  admit 
her  into  the  Union  as  a  part  of  the  State  of  Cuba.  Cuba  has  six 
provinces,  corresponding  to  our  counties.  Porto  Rico  would  be 
a  seventh  county  of  the  State  of  Cuba,  a  member  of  the  American 
Union,  and  as  such  would  take  part  in  the  election  of  a  President 
of  the  United  States  and  in  the  selection  of  United  States  Sen- 
ators and  Congressmen.  As  to  her,  there  would  be  no  taxation 
without  representation.  So  far  as  she  is  concerned  this  blot  upon 
our  escutcheon  would  be  absolutely  removed.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  hereafter  we  may  take  such  action  with  reference  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  as  to  redeem  the  old  doctrine  of  the  Republic 
in  all  its  integrity. 

The  second  suggestion  is : 

Second.  That  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  be 
the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  respectively,  of  the  State  of  Cuba  un- 
til their  present  terms  expire  and  that  all  other  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  officers  now  holding  office  in  the  Republic  of  Cuba  continue  to  hold 
similar  positions  in  the  State  of  Cuba  until  their  present  terms  expire,  with 
the  exceiition  of  the  customs  and  postal  officials,  who  shall  be  incorporated 
into  the  ciistoms  and  postal  service  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Rural 
Guard,  the  officers  and  subordinates  of  which  shall  be  incorporated  into  the 
Army  of  the  United  States. 

■    Under  this  suggestion  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
Republic  would  become  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor 
568;J 


of  the  State  of  Cuba,  the  present  Congi-ess  of  Cuba  would  become 
the  State  legislature.  Under  it  the  cabinet  would  become  the 
State  ofQcials;  under  it  the  judicial  oflicers  of  the  Republic  of 
Cuba  would  become  the  judicial  officers  of  the  State  of  Cuba. 

The  joint  resolution  provides  that  those  officials  connected  with 
the  customs  and  post-offices  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  cus- 
toms and  postal  service  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  Rural 
Guard,  their  only  army,  small  in  dimensions,  but  officered  and 
controlled,  I  believe,  by  able  and  patriotic  men,  will  become  a 
part  of  the  Army  ot  the  United  States. 

Now,  this  is  simply  a  suggestion  to  the  Republic  of  Cuba. 
Why?  Because  in  the  consolidation  of  two  Republics,  just  as  in 
the  consolidation  of  anything  else,  there  are  more  or  less  points 
of  friction,  and  the  purpose  is  to  make  the  transition  as  easy  as 
possible.  Under  this  resolution  no  man  will  be  deprived  of  his 
office,  his  position  in  the  service  of  that  countiy,  or  of  his  position 
in  tlie  army.  It  simply  provides  a  gradual  change  from  the  serv- 
ice of  the  Republic  of  Cuba  to  the  service  of  the  State  of  Cuba. 

Now,  what  is  the  next  suggestion? 

Third.  That  the  bonds  about  to  be  issued  by  the  Republic  of  Cuba  for  the 
payment  of  its  army  during  the  war  with  Soain.  aggregatins:  S.3.5.000,0i)0,  with 
interest  at  5  per  cent,  bo  issued  as  the  bonds  of  the  State  of  Cuba,  and  that 
the  interest  agreed  to  be  paid  thereon  be  reduced  from  5  to  3  per  cent,  the 
difference  to  be  applied  io  the  sinking  fund,  and  that  as  so  changed  their 
payment  be  guaranteed  by  the  United  States. 

I  may  be  asked  of  what  benefit  is  that?  For  a  long  time  Cuba 
has  been  endeavoring  to  negotiate  these  bonds  in  the  markets  of 
the  world  for  the  purpose  of  paying  her  patriotic  army,  a  thing 
which  ought  to  have  been  accomplished  long  before  this.  Cer- 
tainly the  paj-  of  that  army  ought  to  be  a  tax  upon  the  wealth  of 
the  entire  island  until  satisfied.  Cuba  has  thus  far  been  unable 
to  negotiate  these  bonds,  though  they  are  offered  at  a  discount  of 
10  per  cent — at  90  cents  on  the  dollar.  What  saving  will  this  ef- 
fect to  the  State  of  Cuba  as  opposed  to  the  Republic  of  Cuba?  The 
guaranty  of  the  United  States  will  enable  those  bonds  to  be  ne- 
gotiated at  par.  At  the  very  outset  she  will  save  three  million 
and  a  half  dollars  upon  the  bonds.  The  reduction  in  the  rate  of 
interest  from  5  per  cent  to  3  per  cent  will  save  her  2  per  cent — 
$700,000  annually;  so  that  in  fifty  years  she  will  save  in  the  pay- 
ment of  interest  alone,  $35,000,000,  which  amounts  to  the  princi- 
pal of  the  bonds.  She  will  thus  save  nearly  $40,000,000  on  this 
transaction  alone  by  becoming  a  State  in  the  Federal  Union,  and 
she  will  save  $35,000,000  annually  or  $350,000,000  within  the  next 
ten  years  by  the  enhanced  price  she  will  receive  for  her  sugar. 

The  next  resolution  provides  that  the  funds  in  the  treasury  of 
the  Republic  of  Cuba  shall  be  turned  over  to  the  State  of  Cuba. 
There  are  about  three  or  four  million  dollars  in  the  treasury  of 
Cuba.  It  woiild  go  a  great  way  toward  State  development — to- 
ward the  construction  of  roads  and  internal  improvements.  The 
same  provision  is  made  regarding  Porto  Rico.  The  funds  in 
the  treasury  there  are  to  be  turned  over  to  the  county  or  provin- 
cial aiithorities  of  that  island,  and  thus  a  considerable  sum  will 
be  provided  for  internal  improvements. 

Then  comes  the  last  portion  of  the  joint  resolution,  which  de- 
clares— 

That  the  foregoing  resolutions  are  inspired  not  by  a  desire  to  annex  forci- 
bly or  to  assert  soveroigntj'  over  the  island  of  Cuba,  or  to  exercise  any  form 
of  compulsion,  but  solely  by  a  regard  for  the  mutual  interests  of  tlio  two 
countries  and  a  conviction  that  the  interests  of  the  States  composing  tho 
5682 


8 

Federal  Union  and  Cuba  are  identical,  and  that  they  can  be  best  secured  by 
a  union  under  one  form  of  government  in  which  all  shall  be  represented  on 
equal  terms  and  be  governed  by  equal  and  indiscriminating  laws,  insuring 
freedom  of  trade  and  equality  of  right  and  privilege. 

We  have,  then,  Ctiba  in  this  dependent  position,  seeking  a  still 
more  intimate  relation  with  the  Republic  of  the  United  States, 
seeking  commercial  union,  and  we  respond  by  offering  her  political 
union,  which  involves  absolute  freedom  of  commerce. 

Now,  gentlemen  say  that  this  invitation  should  not  be  extended 
by  this  country;  that  we  would  not  extend  it  to  a  great  country; 
that  we  extend  it  to  the  Republic  of  Cuba  only  because  it  is  a  lit- 
tle country:  that  we  would  not  to-day  extend  an  invitation  to 
Canada  to  become  a  State  of  the  Republic,  Obviously  not,  be- 
cause that  would  be  an  act  of  hostility  against  Great  Britain  her- 
self. We  are  now  dealing  with  an  independent  sovereignty  which 
asks  preferences  in  trade  and  a  commercial  union  with  us,  and 
we,  animated  by  friendliness,  kindliness,  and  generosity  of  spirit, 
respond:  "  Come  into  the  American  Union  and  enjoy  with  us  the 
unparalleled  blessings  of  liberty,  equality,  and  prosperity." 

Mr.  CARMACK.  Will  the  Senator  from  Nevada  permit  me 
for  a  moment? 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Peekins  in  the  chair) .  Does 
the  Senator  from  Nevada  yield  to  the  Senator  from  Tennessee? 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.     Certainly. 

Mr.  CARMACK.  I  suggest  to  the  Senator  from  Nevada  that 
shortly  after  the  war  there  was  considerable  correspondence  be- 
tween this  country  and  Great  Britain  with  reference  to  the  ac- 
quisition of  Canada, 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  That  may  be.  I  am  not  informed  as  to 
that. 

So  with  reference  to  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  The  Republic  of 
Mexico  is  not  seeking  more  intimate  relations  with  us.  I  am  not 
aware  that  she  is  asking  for  commercial  union  with  us.  If  she 
were,  it  would  be  entirely  proper  for  us  to  respond  by  extending 
to  her  an  invitation  to  come  into  the  Union.  But  here  is  Cuba 
making  the  offer  of  commercial  union  and  we  offer  the  larger 
benefit  of  political  union,  which  involves  the  blessings  of  a  free 
government  and  at  the  same  time  greater  commercial  advantages 
than  she  coitld  secure  through  any  reciprocity  arrangement. 

Why,  then,  should  we  make  this  offer?  Why  should  we  extend 
this  invitation?  Why  does  not  Cuba  ask  for  it?  Simply  becattse, 
though  it  is  a  desirable  thing,  simply  because,  thoiigh  the  people 
of  both  countries  may  be  in  favor  of  it,  we  will  find  that  Cuba 
will  be  reluctant  to  take  the  initiative,  because  she  will  be  suspi- 
cious and  fearful  of  our  action.  She  has  seen  us,  under  tempta- 
tion, absohitely  abandon  the  doctrines  of  the  fathers — those  doc- 
trines which  have  been  the  inspiration  of  every  Fourth  of  July 
orator  for  the  last  hundred  years.  She  has  seen  us  repudiate  the 
doctrine  of  the  inseparability  of  taxation  and  representation. 
She  has  seen  us  repudiate  the  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned. She  has  seen  us  seize  islands  in  a  war  inspired  abso- 
lutely by  benevolence,  and  has  seen  us  yield  to  the  temptation  of 
greed  and  hold  those  islands  against  the  will  of  their  people.  She 
will  fear,  if  she  makes  the  least  advance  toward  the  union  of  the 
two  countries,  that  then  we  will  endeavor  to  annex  her,  not  as  a 
State  of  the  Union,  but  as  a  dependency,  such  as  the  Philippines 
are  and  svich  as  Porto  Rico  is. 

No  public  man  could  rise  in  the  Congress  of  the  Republic  of 
Cuba  to-day  and  make  the  suggestion  of  annexation  to  the  United 
668;i 


OF  THE     ^      ^ 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


9 

States,  for  he  would  be  met  by  tliis  argument  wliich  I  have  pre- 
sented— an  ai'gument  which  furnishes  every  kind  of  fuel  that 
eloquence  needs.  The  people  would  be  suspicious,  and,  in  view  of 
our  action  regarding  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  they  have  a 
right  to  be  suspicious.  We  must,  by  unequivocally  taking  our  posi- 
tion, tell  Cuba  that  we  do  not  ask  annexation,  but  that  we  invite 
her  to  sisterhood;  that  we  do  not  seek  to  exercise  sovereignty  over 
her,  but  that  she  shall  become  one  of  the  sovereign  States  of  the 
Union,  bound  together  for  the  common  welfare  and  defense. 

Now,  I  am  aware  that  the  joint  resolution  will  be  criticised; 
that  it  wUl  be  opposed  by  many  both  in  Cuba  and  in  this  country; 
but  I  believe  the  argument  for  political  union  can  not  be  refuted, 
and  I  believe  it  will  eventually  prevail.  I  can  not  believe  that 
the  United  States  is  indifferent  to  this  qiiestion.  There  has  not 
been  a  time  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  when  the  annexation 
of  Cuba  would  not  have'  been  welcomed.  Throughout  the  his- 
tory of  the  Republic  we  would  have  sought  Cuba  just  as  eagerly 
as  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  or  Florida.  It  is  separated  appar- 
ently from  Florida  by  a  convulsion  of  nature,  by  only  a  few  miles 
of  water.  The  island  is  one  of  incomparable  salubrity  of  climate 
and  richness  of  soil.  To-day  it  has  a  population  of  1,500,000.  It 
is  capable  of  supporting  15,000,000  people.  Its  commercial  advan- 
tages, its  agricultural  advantages  are  undoubted.  It  lies  in  front 
of  the  great  Gulf,  of  our  way  to  the  Mississippi,  of  our  way  to  the 
future  canal  at  Panama. 

Having  that  island  as  a  part  of  the  United  States,  destined  at 
some  time  to  bo  inhabited  by  400,000,000  people,  we  can  imagine 
its  value  to  those  400,000,000  people  merely  as  a  sanitarium  and 
health  resort.  It  has  such  advantages  of  climate  and  scenery  that 
one  day  it  will  rival  the  Riviera  of  the  Mediterranean.  With  Cali- 
fornia on  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  Cuba  upon  the  Atlantic,  vfith 
400,000,000  people  between,  the  advantages  of  that  island  from  the 
standpoint  of  health  alone,  dismissing  all  considerations  of  com- 
merce and  business,  must  be  obvious. 

Mr.  President,  I  fear  I  have  already  taken  up  too  much  time  in 
response  to  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Hale]  .  I  believe  in  the 
joint  resolution.  We  are  told  by  the  Associated  Press  that  while 
it  was  seriously  considered  by  some  people  in  Cu.ba  it  was  re- 
garded by  others  with  amusement,  and  that  it  was  regarded  in 
the  island  of  Porto  Rico  with  derision.  But  amvisement  and  de- 
rision often  accompany  the  urging  of  great  measures  and  should 
constitute  no  discouragement.  The  people  of  Cuba  have  not  as 
yet  seen  this  joint  resolution.  They  have  probably  received  only 
the  condensed  report  of  the  Associated  Press.  The  people  of 
Porto  Rico  have  not  yet  received  it.  But  I  base  my  position  upon 
the  strength  of  the  argument,  and  I  believe  that  that  argument 
will  find  a  lodgment  in  the  minds  of  patriotic  and  sensible  men, 
both  in  the  United  States  and  in  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico. 

Mr.  PLATT  of  Connecticut.  Mr.  President,  I  do  not  know 
whether  the  Senate  desires  to  continue  this  discussion  at  the  pres- 
ent time,  but  I  do  not  wish  to  let  this  subject  pass  from  its  con- 
sideration without  a  few  observations. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

It  is  a  little  strange  that  this  new  theory  or  sentiment  of  expan- 
sion shoiild  come  from  those  who  in  so  recent  years  have  been  the 
loudest  in  the  denunciation  of  that  policy. 
6682 


10 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  Will  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  permit 
me  for  a  moment? 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  Does  the  Senator  from  Connect- 
icnt  yield  to  the  Senator  from  Nevada? 

Mr.  PLATT  of  Connecticut.     Certainly. 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senator 
from  Connecticut  to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  party  has  al- 
ways been  in  favor  of  the  expansion  of  the  Republic  as  opposed 
to  the  expansion  of  the  empire,  and  that  this  is  a  legitimate  part 
of  the  policy  of  the  Republic,  which  has  always  embraced  the 
acquisition  of  contiguous  continental  territory  and  of  adjacent 

islands  essential  to  our  coast  defense. 

*****  *  * 

Mr.  LODGE.  Mr.  President,  I  regretted  very  much  the  intro- 
duction of  this  resolution,  but  I  do  not  regi-et  the  discussion  that 
has  arisen  this  morning,  for  I  think  the  resolution  has  made  some 
such  discussion  absolutely  and  immediately  necessary. 

The  question  what  this  resolution  means  is  to  us  of  no  conse- 
quence.    The  important  thing  is  the  impression  that  it  has  made 

or  is  likely  to  make  upon  the  people  of  Cuba. 

*  *  *  *~  *  *  * 

Mr.  President,  we  have  no  desire  to  annex  that  island.  We 
much  prefer  it  in  the  state  in  which  it  now  is.  For  one,  Mr. 
President,  looking  at  it  solely  from  our  own  side  and  not  from 
theirs,  I  am  opposed  to  having  island  States.  We  all  know  that 
if  Cuba  becomes  a  pax't  of  the  United  States  it  must  be  made  a 
State  of  the  Union,  and  the  wholesome  rule  against  island  States 
would  be  broken  once  for  all. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  an  island  prospering  and  doing  well, 
with  our  aid  and  our  approbation.  We  do  not  want  to  agitate 
and  distress  her  people  with  resolutions  conveying  an  idea  that 
we  are  suspicious  of  her  future  or  doubtful  of  her  present. 

And  not  content  with  that.  Mr.  President,  this  resolution  goes 
on  to  propose  that  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  which  is  prosperoTis 
and  happy  under  the  government  that  we  have  given  it,  shall  be 
annexed  violently  to  the  island  of  Cuba.  Porto  Rico  is  ready  to 
be  a  dependency  of  the  United  States,  but  it  is  a  very  different 
proposition  that  we  should,  with  a  high  hand,  make  it  a  depend- 
ency of  another  island.  Mr.  President,  is  it  necessary  to  agitate 
those  people  in  this  way? 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.     Mr.  President 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore.  Does  the  Senator  from  Massa- 
chusetts yield  to  the  Senator  from  Nevada? 

Mr.  LODGE.     Certainly. 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  If  the  island  of  Porto  Rico  were  a  coimty 
of  the  State  of  Cuba,  would  the  Senator  call  it  a  dependency? 

Mr.  LODGE.  I  thought  the  language  was  "  a  county  or  prov- 
ince."   I  have  it  not  before  me. 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  I  used  the  term  "coimty  or  province" 
because  Cuba  is  divided  into  six  provinces,  and  they  would  better 
understand  that  term  than  the  word  "  county;"  but  the  purpose 
was  simply  to  make  Porto  Rico  a  county  of  a  sovereign  State, 
sharing  with  that  State  in  the  selection  of  United  States  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  in  Congress  and  in  the  election  of  the 

President  of  the  United  States. 

*  ****** 

I  wish  to  ask  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  in  case  the 
people  of  the  island  of  Cuba  voluntarily  and  without  any  sug- 


11 

gestion  from  ns  should  indicate  any  desire  to  become  a  State  of 
the  Federal  Union,  whether  he  would  be  inclined  to  grant  their 
request? 

Mr.  LODGE.  That  is  an  important  question,  to  be  considered 
when  it  arises.  There  is  not  the  slightest  indication  that  the  people 
of  Cuba  want  to  become  a  State  of  the  Union.  There  is  not  the 
slightest  indication  that  they  are  not  content  where  they  are;  that 
they  are  not  gratifying  their  own  jjride  and  their  own  sense  of 
citizenship  by  remaining  where  they  are.  Why  should  we  discuss 
bringing  them  into  the  Union?  Why  should  we  arouse  their  sus- 
picion and  hurt  their  feelings?  Why  not  leave  them  alone  to  work 
out  their  destiny  as  they  are  working  it  out,  with  all  the  kindly 
aid  and  assistance  we  can  give  them? 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.    Will  the  Senator  permit  another  question? 

Mr.  LODGE.  Certainly;  as  many  questions  as  the  Senator 
wants  to  ask. 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  I  presume  the  Senator  realizes  that  the 
markets  of  the  world  have  been  gradually  closed  against  sugar  in 
Cuba  and  that  she  markets  her  entire  crop  in  this  country.  ISTow, 
assuming  that  England  should  adopt  the  retaliatory  policy  called 
for  by  Mr.  Chamberlain,  and  should  put  a  protective  duty  upon 
sugar  with  a  view  to  protecting  her  own  colonies  producing  sugar, 
I  ask  whether  the  island  of  Cuba  would  not  be  absolutely  depend- 
ent for  the  marketing  of  her  own  crop  upon  the  United  States, 
and  would  the  Senator  regard  it  as  an  act  of  hostility  to  Cuba  to 
suggest  to  her  an  arrangement  by  which,  instead  of  securing 
$40,000,000  annually  for  her  crop,  she  would  secure  $75,000,000? 

Mr.  LODGE.  I  am  not  going  to  discuss  the  sugar  question. 
That  comes  up  very  properly,  no  doubt,  in  connection  with  the 
bill  to  carry  the  treaty  into  effect.  I  did  not  rise  to  discuss  the 
sugar  question  or  any  part  of  it.  My  object  was  simply  to  enter 
my  own  disclaimer  against  any  idea  that  we  were  seeking  to  an- 
nex Cuba  or  to  change  the  present  relations  of  the  countries. 
Novemher  25,  1903, 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  Mr.  President,  in  the  debate  the  other  day 
relating  to  the  joint  resolution  (S.  R.  15)  inviting  Cuba  to  be- 
come a  State  of  the  American  Union,  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
present,  it  was  stated  by  the  Senator  from  Connectictit  [Mr. 
Platt]  and  also,  I  believe,  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Lodge]  that  the  joint  resokition  proposed  that  the  island  of 
Porto  Rico  should  become  a  part  of  the  State  of  Cuba  without 
consulting  the  island  of  Porto  Rico;  in  other  words,  without  her 
consent. 

I  wish  to  state  that  the  suggestions  which  the  joint  resolution 
presents  look  to  having  an  expression  of  the  sentiment  both  of 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  upon  this  subject.  If  Cuba  is  disposed  at 
all  to  consider  the  matter,  the  whole  question  can,  by  a  popular 
vote,  be  presented  to  the  Cuban  people  as  to  whether  or  not  it  is 
desirable  to  become  a  State  in  the  American  Union,  and  as  to 
what  changes  are  necessary  in  the  constitution  of  the  Republic  in 
order  to  fit  that  Republic  for  statehood  in  the  American  Union. 

In  the  same  way  the  sense  of  Porto  Rico  can  be  taken  as  to 
whether  or  not  that  island  desires  to  become  a  part  of  the  State 
of  Cuba,  or  a  county  of  the  State  of  Cuba,  and,  as  such,  a  part  of 
the  American  Union,  enjoying  constitutional  rights  and  privi- 
leges, freedom  of  trade,  and  the  power  and  privilege  of  joining  in 

5683 


12 

the  selection  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  of  Senators 
and  Representatives  of  the  United  States.  The  sense  of  that  peo- 
ple can  be  taken  by  a  popiilar  vote  as  to  whether  or  not  they  wish 
to  remain  a  mere  dependency  of  the  United  States,  annexed  to  but 
not  a  part  of  the  United  States,  subject  to  the  absolute  power  and 
will  of  the  United  States,  or  vrhether  by  means  of  incorporation 
with  Cuba  they  desire  to  become  a  part  of  a  sovereign  State  of 
the  Union. 

In  this  way  the  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  governed  will  be 
vindicated  by  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the  majority  both  in 
Cuba  and  in  Porto  Rico.  Porto  Rico  is  too  small  in  territory  to 
become  a  State.  If  Porto  Rico  wishes  to  remain  a  dependency, 
she  can  express  her  will.  If  she  washes  to  become  a  part  of  a 
sovereign  State  of  the  American  Union,  she  can  express  her  will 
by  a  popular  vote.  So  I  contend  that  this  provision  does  not  in- 
volve the  incorporation  of  Porto  Rico  as  a  part  of  the  State  of 
Cuba  without  the  consent  of  that  island. 

Another  statement  was  made  by  the  Senators  who  spoke  upon 
that  day — the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Lodge]  .  the  Sen- 
ator from  Connecticut  [Mr.  Platt]  ,  and  the  Senator  from  Maine 
[Mr.  Hale]  — and  that  was  that  Cuba  was  not  a  dependent  Repub- 
lic. I  assume  that  politically  no  one  can  deny  that  she  certainly 
has  abdicated  a  part  of  her  sovereignty  by  the  adoption  of  the 
Platt  amendment  and  that  she  has  become  in  a  sense  dependent 
upon  this  country. 

But  when  I  referred  in  my  remarks  to  her  dependence  I  re- 
ferred principally,  not  to  a  political  dependence,  but  to  an  eco- 
nomic dependence.  That  seems  to  have  been  denied  by  the 
Senators;  and  yet  if  you  will  look  over  the  speeches  of  the  Repub- 
lican members  of  the  "Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the  Hoiise 
advocating  reciprocity,  if  you  will  look  over  their  reports,  if  you 
will  look  over  the  testimonj^  of  delegations  representing  Cuba, 
which  appeared  before  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  the 
House  two  years  ago,  you  will  find  everywhere  the  fact  promi- 
nently stated  and  urged  that  Cuba  is  a  ward  of  the  great  Repub- 
lic, and  that  from  an  economic  point  of  view  she  is  absolutely 
dependent  upon  the  markets  of  this  country,  and  that  she  can  not 
prosper,  or  at  least  not  in  any  very  high  degree,  unless  she  re- 
ceives either  freedom  of  trade  or  less  restrictions  than  are  imposed 
upon  other  countries.  So  I  insist  upon  it  that  I  was  warranted 
in  saying  that  the  Republic  of  Cuba  is  dependent,  both  in  a  polit- 
ical and  an  economic  sense,  upon  this  country. 

Now,  I  was  charged,  and  charged  by  the  Senator  from  Maine 
[Mr.  Hale]  ,  I  believe,  with  disturbing  conditions,  with  making 
statements  that  would  affect  the  credit  of  Cuba,  and  that,  too,  at 
a  most  critical  time.  Mr.  President,  I  claim  to  be  the  friend  of 
Cuba.  I  would  not  do  a  thing  or  say  a  word  which  would  thi'ow 
any  obstacle  whatever  in  the  path  of  her  progress.  I  contend 
that  in  presenting  the  dependent  condition  of  Cuba,  both  in  a 
political  and  an  economic  sense,  I  was  simply  stating  the  facts  of 
history — facts  testified  to  in  the  records  of  both  bodies  of  Con- 
gress, facts  testified  to  by  the  Cuban  delegation,  and  facts  pro- 
claimed by  the  Republican  Members  of  the  House  in  their 
speeches. 

I  claim  that  the  very  purpose  of  the  joint  resolution  which  I 
have  introduced  is  to  improve  the  credit  of  Cuba.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  Cuba  is  to-day  attempting  to  negotiate  bonds  to  the  ex- 

6C82 


13 

tent  of  $35,000,000,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of  5  per  cent,  and  the 
bonds  are  offered  at  a  discount  of  10  per  cent.  It  is  a  matter  well 
knowTi  thronghout  the  financial  world  that  thns  far  there  have 
been  no  takers  for  the  bonds. 

The  suggestion  of  the  joint  resolution  is  that  those  bonds  shall 
be  guaranteed  by  the  United  States,  which  would  enable  them  to 
be  negotiated  at  j)ar.  Such  a  guaranty  would  warrant  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  rate  of  interest  from  5  per  cent  to  3  per  cent.  Tliis 
would  effect  an  immediate  saving  of  three  million  and  a  half  of 
dollars  in  the  negotiation  of  the  bonds  and  an  ultimate  saving  in 
interest  which  would  very  nearly  pay  the  principal  of  the  bonds 
themselves.  So  I  contend  that  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution 
would  strengthen  the  credit  of  Cuba  and  not  injure  it. 

In  support  of  what  I  have  said,  I  shoiild  like  to  append  to  my 
remarks  certain  quotations  from  the  proceedings  before  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee  of  the  House,  the  testimony  of  Colonel 
Bliss,  Mr.  Mendoza,  and  others  representing  Cuba,  and  also  cer- 
tain quotations  from  debates  upon  this  subject.  I  will  not  read 
them  now,  but  I  ask  permission  of  the  Senate  to  insert  them  in 
my  remarks. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER.  If  there  is  no  objection,  such 
will  be  the  order  of  the  Senate.     The  Chair  hea,rs  none. 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  Mr.  President,  briefly  stated,  the  purpose 
of  the  joint  resolution  is  not  force  or  compulsion.  The  appeal  is 
only  to  reason.  "We  invite  Cuba  to  become  a  State  of  the  Union 
upon  an  equality  with  all  the  other  States  of  the  Union,  and  we 
suggest,  simply  as  steps  leading  in  that  direction,  that  the  Presi- 
dent, the  judicial  officers,  and  the  legislative  body  of  that  Repub- 
lic shall  become  the  executive  officers,  the  judicial  officers,  and 
the  legislative  officers  of  the  State  of  Cuba  without  change  of 
term  or  salary. 

As  to  the  customs  and  postal  officials,  the  joint  resolution  sug- 
gests that  they  shall  become  incorporated  into  the  ciistoms  and 
postal  service  of  the  United  States.  As  to  the  small  army  of  that 
Republic,  the  rural  guards,  composed  mainly  of  and  officered  by 
soldiers  who  fought  in  the  war  for  Ctiban  freedom,  the  sugges- 
tion is  that  it  shall  be  incorporated  into  the  Army  of  the  United 
States.  As  to  the  debt,  the  suggestion  is  that  the  bonds  shall  be 
guaranteed  by  the  United  States,  and  thus  Cuba  will  ultimately 
save  in  expenditures  a  sum  aggregating  nearly  $40,000,000. 

Such  are  the  suggestions  contained  in  this  resolution  of  little 
changes  in  government  that  are  necessary  to  adapt  the  Repiiblic 
of  Cuba  to  statehood  in  the  American  Union.  Such  is  the  im- 
mediate economic  advantage  which  Cuba  would  secure  byimion, 
in  addition  to  tlie  great  economic  advantage  of  having  her  entire 
sugar  crop,  amounting  to  1,000,000  tons  annually,  admitted  to 
this  country  without  the  imposition  of  the  present  duty  of  $35  a 
ton,  thus  enal)]ing  the  Cubans  to  secure  in  the  American  market, 
for  the  present  production  of  1,000,000  tons,  $75,000,000  instead  of 
$40,000,000.  That  would  be  a  saving  to  Cuba  of  $85,000,000 
annually,  $350,000,000  in  ten  years,  over  a  billion  dollars  in  the 
forty  years  constitiiting  the  term  of  the  bonds  which  she  is  about 
to  issue. 

Now,  I  siibmit  this  statement  sim]ily  in  explanation.    The  joint 

resolution  came  up  unexpectedly  the  other  day  for  discussion, 

and  I  was  unable  to  answer  all  of  the  Senators  who  spoke  upon  it. 

My  purpose  now  is  not  to  make  a  speech,  but  simply  to  complete 

5G82 


14 

the  record,  so  that  there  can  be  no  misapprehension  whatever  as 
to  the  purpose  and  intent  of  the  joint  resohition, 

******* 

Mr.  NEWLANDS.  Mr.  President,  just  a  few  words  in  reply- 
to  the  Senator  from  Maine. 

I  claim  that  the  suggestion  of  the  possibility  of  Cuba  becoming  a 
State  of  the  American  Union  will  benefit  her  credit  instead  of  in- 
jure it.  But  even  under  present  conditions  the  people  proposing 
to  take  those  bonds  would  doubtless  feel  that  the  security  of  the 
bonds  is  strengthened  by  even  the  possibility  of  Cuba's  becoming 
a  State  of  the  Union,  and  this  suggestion  should  not  in  any  way 
weaken  the  existing  negotiations. 

Now,  as  to  the  Senator's  statement  that  no  one  is  in  favor  of 
taking  those  islands,  I  agree  with  him  that  no  one  is  in  favor  of 
taking  the  island  of  Cuba;  at  all  events,  I  hope  no  one  is  in  favor 
of  it,  for  that  suggests  force  and  compulsion.  But  so  far  as  the 
union  of  the  island  of  Cuba  with  the  American  Union  is  con- 
cerned, I  beg  to  differ  with  him.  There  has  been  no  mode  of  get- 
ting an  expression  of  the  public  sentiment  either  in  Cuba  or  in 
this  country  upon  that  subject,  but  I  submit  that  the  traditional 
policy  of  this  country,  dating  back  a  hundred  years,  has  always 
included  the  acquisition  of  Cuba  and  the  incorporation  of  Cuba 
into  this  Union  if  it  could  be  done  peaceably,  with  the  consent  of 
her  people,  and  iipon  terms  of  equality  to  both.  I  believe  that 
tlie  sentiment  has  been  and  is  to-day  favorable  in  Cuba  itself, 
though  that  sentiment  has  found  no  expression,  for  they  have 
been  discouraged,  perhaps,  in  their  aspirations  by  the  new  policy 
of  the  American  Republic,  which  has  looked  to  the  acquisition  of 
territory  as  a  dependent  territory  subject  to  the  absolute  will  of 
the  sovereign  owner;  and  they  doubtless  fear  that  if  they  make 
overtures  for  union  with  this  country  those  overtures  might  be 
met  by  measures  smacking  somewhat  of  compulsion  or  violence 
and  leading  to  the  annexation  of  the  island  as  a  military  depend- 
ency or  as  a  colonial  possession  of  the  United  States. 

Now,  to  support  my  statement  that  there  is  a  sentiment  in  Cuba 
favorable  to  the  union,  let  me  read  from  the  testimony  of  General 
Bliss  (then  Colonel  Bliss),  a  distinguished  American  officer  who 
had  been  serving  in  Cuba  for  three  years  as  administrator  or  col- 
lector of  customs  during  the  American  occupation,  who  was  fully 
familiar  with  its  people  and  with  its  economic  conditions,  and 
who  testified  with  great  clearness  and  precision  before  the  Com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means  two  years  ago.  The  quotation  is  a 
short  one.  His  statement  was  in  reply  to  a  question  presented  by 
myself; 

Mr.  Newlands.  As  I  understand  it,  Colonel,  the  Cuban  people  •wish  to 
come  into  commercial  union  with  the  United  States  without  being  subjected 
to  the  burdens  that  political  imion  would  involve,  such  as  exclusion  of  the 
pauper  labor  of  Europe  and  restriction  of  Asiatic  immigration.  The  conten- 
tion, you  understand,  on  the  American  side,  in  behalf  of  the  beet-sugar  in- 
dustry and  others,  is  that  it  would  he  unfair  to  have  a  commercial  union 
when  the  Americans  are  handicapped  by  restrictive  legislation  as  to  immi- 
gration and  cheap  labor,  and  the  Cubans  are  not. 

A  Gentleman.  And  the  payment  of  internal  taxes. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Now,  I  a.sk  you  whether  or  not  the  Ciiban  people  are  pre- 
pared to  come  into  political  union  with  the  United  States  so  that  they  will 
stand  upon  an  equality  in  the  production  of  sugar? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  think,  .iudging  from  my  own  personal  acqxiaintance  and 
from  information  derived  from  it,  that  the  great  majority  of  Cubans  are 
ready. 

Mr.  Newlands.  They  are  ready  to  come  into  political  union? 

Colonel  Bliss.  Yes,  sir. 
5683 


15 

Mr.  Netvlands.  Do  yon  mean  by  that  that  they  are  willina;  to  come  in  as 
a  part  of  the  United  States  under  a  Territorial  form  of  governraent  under 
the  Constitution,  their  people  being  citizens,  and  wait  until  the  United  ytivtos 
is  ready  to  admit  Cuba  to  statehood,  or  do  you  mean  that  they  would  require 
immediate  statehood? 

Colonel  Bliss.  From  all  those  people  who  are  interested  in  any  way  per- 
sonally in  the  island  of  Cuba  I  have  never  heard  but  one  statement— that  they 
would  be  glad  to  come  in  as  a  Territory,  as  a  colony,  or  remain  under  the 
present  military  administration,  or  in  any  way  so  as  to  become  recognized  as 
a  part  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Now,  then,  if  the  United  States  Government,  in  the  place 
of  tarilf  concessions,  should,  by  joint  resolution  adopted  by  Congress,  invite 
Cuba  to  come  into  our  political  union,  first  as  a  Territory,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  in  due  time  she  would  be  admitted  to  statehood,  do  you  think  that 
invitation  would  be  accepted  by  Cuba? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  think  it  would;  yes,  sir. 

******* 

Mr.  Newlands.  Colonel,  do  you  think  the  Cuban  climate  is  adapted  to 
Americans? 

Colonel  Bliss.  Yes,  sir;  perfectly. 

Mr.  Newlaxds.  That  they  can  live  there  generation  after  generation 
without  degeneration? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  can  not  answer  you  further  than  my  own  generation, 
and.  in  fact,  not  for  all  of  that  one.  I  have  lived  there  three  years,  and  have 
worked  hard  in  all  the  variations  of  climate  that  they  have  there.  I  feel  as 
well  now  as  I  did  when  I  went  there,  and  I  see  no  reason  to  think  that  if  I 
wei'e  tliere  twenty-five  years  longer  it  would  make  any  difference. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Yoii  were  speaking  a  few  moments  ago  regarding  the 
sentiment  there  us  to  political  union  with  the  United  States.  Do  you  derive 
that  sentiment  from  communications  with  Spaniards,  or  from  communica- 
tion with  Cubans? 

Colonel  Bliss.  "With  Si)aniards,  with  Cubans,  with  laboring  men,  and  with 
everybody  except  a  certain  class  of  Cuban  politicians. 

Mr.  Newlands.  That  is  a  small  class,  is  it? 

Colonel  Buss.  Comparatively  a  small  class;  yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Take  the  leaders  in  the  late  war  with  Spain— the  Cuban 
leaders— what  is  their  sentiment  regarding  it? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  think  that,  as  a  matter  of  pride,  at  least,  all  of  those  men 
would  prefer  to  see  an  independent  Cuba.  I  think— in  fact,  I  know— that 
there  are  some  of  these  who  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  after  the  pride 
of  their  ijeople  has  been  satisfied  they  will  gladly  welcome  the  next  step  in 
the  solution  of  this  problem. 

Mr.  Neavlands.  As  a  permanent  arrangement,  do  yoii  think  they  would 
prefer  simply  a  commercial  union  with  this  country,  with  tariff  concessions 
on  both  sides,  or  political  union,  which,  of  course,  would  involve  complete 
commercial  union? 

Colonel  Bliss.  That  I  do  not  know,  sir;  but  I  am  satisfied  that  in  bringing 
about  this  commercial  union  of  which  you  speak,  any  condition  that  you 
choose  to  impose  will  be  gladly  accepted;  any  modification  in  any  law,  or  the 
creation  of  any  new  law,  will  be  gladly  made  by  Cuba  to  secure  that  which 
is  all  she  asks  now,  I  beheve,  viz,  closer  commercial  relations  with  the  United 
Stiites. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Do  you  think  their  disposition  as  to  a  political  union  with 
this  country  arises  from  these  commercial  considerations;  or  do  other  consid- 
erations enter  into  it? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  think  it  all  grows  out  of  the  commercial  considerations. 

Mr.  NEWL.iXDs.  It  is  represented  here  that  there  is  intense  hostility  upon 
the  part  of  Cubans  to  America. 

Colonel  Bliss.  There  is  on  the  part  of  a  certain  outspoken  element;  yes, 
sir. 

Mr.  Neavlaxds.  Is  that  a  large  proportion? 

Colonel  Bliss.  I  think  it  is  a  very  small  proportion,  largely  represented 
by  the  political  men  of  whom  I  speak,  whose  immediate  hope  for  the  gratifi- 
cation of  their  pride  and  then-  ambition  is  in  the  establishment  of  an  inde- 
pendent government. 

******* 

Mr.  Newlaxds.  You  have  spoken  of  the  American  influx  that  would  fol- 
low settled  conditions  there.  Do  vou  think  Americans  thei-e  would  take  hold 
of  the  soil  and  till  it?    Do  you  thiiik  they  would  take  up  small  holdings  there? 

Colonel  Bliss.  Oh,  yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Is  that  climate  adapted  for  Americans  in  that  kind  of 
work? 

Colonel  Bliss.  Perfectly;  perfectlv.    It  is  warmer  in  winter  and  cooler  in 

summer  than  almost  any  part  of  the  United  Stat-es  with  which  I  am  familiar. 

I  do  not  know  of  a  more  delightful  climate,  winter  and  .'-ummer,  than  the 

island  of  Cuba,  so  far  as  concerns  any  part  of  the  island  that  I  have  visited. 

5682 


.16 

Of  course,  the  effect  that  would  ho  produced  on  a  second  generation  or  a 
third  generation  is  something  that  I  ao  not  know  and  can  not  foresee;  but  I 
am  acquainted  with  many  Americans,  Englishmen,  Germans,  Frenchmen, 
and  Spaniards  who  have  lived  in  Cuba  from  a  quarter  to  a  half  a  century 
and  who  have  suffered  no  deterioration  that  I  can  see,  either  physical  or 
otherwise.  I  know  a  good  raany  Americans,  small  planters,  people  who  have 
come  down  and  bought  30,  40,  or  50  acres  of  land  and  are  raising  vegetables 
and  oranges,  who  have  found  that  the  business  is  not  successful  because  they 
can  not  export  anything  to  the  United  States.  They  find  that  the  price  they 
get  for  a  barrel  of  oranges  on  the  wharves  of  Habana  is  counterbalanced  by 
the  duty  they  have  to  pay  in  New  York. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Do  these  Americans  labor  themselves  or  do  they  employ 
peon  labor? 

Colonel  Br^iss.  Oh,  those  whom  I  have  in  mind  are  people  that  go  out  and 
work  in  the  fields  themselves. 

Cuba  was  also  represented  by  a  delegation  there,  called,  I  be- 
lieve, the  Cuban  Economic  Delegation,  representing  its  business 
and  commercial  interests,  a  niimber  of  men  of  great  intelligence, 
who  presented  their  views  to  the  committee  on  our  trade  relations 
with  Cuba.  .  One  of  them,  Mr.  Mendoza,  a  leader  among  them, 
designated  in  the  report  as  Cuban  commissioner  on  economic  af- 
fairs, was  asked  by  me  the  following  question;  and  remember 
that  the  question  asked  of  Colonel  Bliss  was  in  the  presence  of 
this  delegation: 

Mr.  Newlands.  Now,  Mr.  Mendoza,  you  heard  Colonel  Bliss's  statement 
regarding  the  sentiment  there  as  to  political  union  with  this  country,  or 
annexation? 

Mr.  Mendoza.  Yes,  sir;  I  quite  agree  with  him. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Do  you  agree  with  him? 

Mr.  Mendoza.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Newlands.  Does  he  express  fairly  the  sentiment  of  Cuba? 

Mr.  Mendoza.  Yes,  sir. 

Here  you  have  the  statements  of  Colonel  Bliss,  who  was  familiar 
with  all  the  affairs  of  Cuba,  and  of  Mr.  Mendoza,  representing 
this  Cuban  delegation,  and  I  say  here  that  every  member  of  that 
delegation  nodded  his  approval  when  Mr.  Mendoza  gave  his  ap- 
probation to  Colonel  Bliss's  statement. 
5883 

o 


\^w^ 


CENSUS  OF  CUBA, 


TAKEN    FNPER 


IE  DIRECTIOX  OF  THE  AVAR  DEPARTMENT,  U.  8.  A. 


OF  C^O^'0 


BULLETIN    I^O.    1. 


TOTAL  POPULATION  BY  PROVINCES,  MUNICIPAL  DISTRICTS, 
CITIES,  AND  WARDS. 


WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT    PRINTING    OFFICE. 
1900. 


